Patels in Gujrat

Patels in Gujrat should be given reservation!

Yes, I said it! They should be given reservation, under PH category. To demand either give us reservation or scape reservation policy is a sign of complete idiocy. For the same reason, coming in expensive cars to reservation rallys to demand for reservation your ownself, is an icing of idiocy on top of complete idiocy.

Should this idiocy reservation be applicable for the leader(s) only or the entire patel community?

Did the leader come to the rally alone? NO? Then stop vying for the PH category and stop being an idiot.

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I stand with you, Gaza

In the only canteen in a university you-never-heard-of, the the glass-door refrigerator is almost empty. There is a box of Cadburry chocolates. For a week now, the refrigerator is empty. One day few bottles of Schweppes gingerales appeared and disappeared again. The canteen is crowded, everyone asks for “cold drinks”. The walls are still adorned with smiling bollywood stars with a data-card or a coca-cola in hand. The counter is busy. Behind the counter sits, occasionally, a bearded person in a skull cap.

And I think, how many of the students ask why coca-cola disappeared from the fridge? How many may know there might be an internationalist living among them, serving them not food-for-thought but the real food ( absolutely necessary for any thought)? The university-you-never-heard-of is in a place and culture where there is nothing-unknown, nothing-unanswerable. Every subject/topic is met with the same lack of interest a plate of plain boiled rice is met with after a delicious and hearty meal. Nowhere in the campus, where alignment and movement of cosmic bodies are a matter of daily concern, does the international alignment with apartheid, movement of projectiles into the bodies of children, women, innocent hard-working men and fighters or soldiers does figure in discussions.

Reading everyday about the ongoing pogrom, I can’t tell for sure, why I am reading these at all. Can it at all be that, instead of being concerned I am morbidly interested in conflicts, massacres, oppression. Afterall, I see it where others don’t. What happens to the people who are gathering up around the tree to see a young girl hanging? Do they go home completely shaken, their faith in humanity destroyed or they go home satiated of their curiosity of the event? Silently watching, reading, knowing the tireless injustice perpetrated must be making us at least partially the audience for who it is made. The world is a stage, I remember.

I have not asked at the canteen, if they are simply showing solidarity with the businessmen in Mumbai who joined BDS campaign. He might be the lone person in this place-you-never-been to have heard of BDS against Israel. As people die, and with them hope of peace, freedom and justice, we must remember to be shaken with such brutalities.

Normalising Narendra Modi

Nehru, Gandhi and the Neheru-Gandhis(N,G & N-Gs) are probably the most criticised leaders in India in the circle of the hindu nationalists. I am forced to use the word “hindu” nationalists” here in absence of a non-offensive and/or self-described word to mean someone who supports the ideals of the BJP, RSS and their sister organisations. Evidently, Narendra Modi has described himself as a hindu nationalist, but that seem to have been in more rue than glee. Notwithstanding the widely differing visions, works of the N, G and N-Gs, the HNs can hardly agree with them on anything. Pick any book of slightly right-wing ideals, and you are most like to have Nehru’s patriotism in suspect, his vision discredited. This makes sense though, since the politics of the HNs positions itself as an alternative to the N,G & N-Gs. However, the N,G & N-G do have a stellar stand in Indian politics, in terms of the sheer number of terms they have headed the govt. of this country but also the way they have shaped the country’s economic progress and global recognition. I admit both of these are interdependent and highly controversial, but both illustrate BJP’s quintessential conundrum – it is the fame of these N, G & NGs which Hindu nationalists defame they need to match.

It began with Atal Bihari Bajpayee. Around the time he trumped the then Iron man (IM-I) L. K. Advani for this un-vetted secularism, an anecdote circulated. That Nehru once remarked, “he has prime ministerial timber” after listening to Bajpayee in the parliament,  was something that caught the string of the unthinking middle class. I am not sure, if Nehru waxed poetry in his speeches, or found the especially slow-flow of words particularly prime ministerial, we even don’t know if the younger AB Bajpayee also spoke in slow-mow, but it was Nehru’s tacit and a rather prescient approval of AB Bajpayee to adorn “his(?)”  throne which placed him in public imagination. You could find out, it wouldn’t be a Hindu nationalist to circulate that anecdote.

Ram Chandra Guha does not claim to be a Hindu nationalist. It was he who would start the same normalization of another Iron man (IM-II), Modi. In his unashamed ogling published in “The Hindu” he says, “There is something of Indira Gandhi in Narendra Modi”. Perhaps that was not enough. Not perfect enough for an “Iron Man” to be compared to a female leader (although an Iron lady herself). So we get Tavleen Singh, famed for her gossip column in Indian express who says, “Modi is the first major political leader since Jawaharlal Nehru who has articulated a clear economic vision.” It would be interesting to dissect this heap of praise, but to do that to a line of a journalist who has deep respect and warmth for Advani despite her disliking of his politics and rath yatra, because he called her after reading her book and because she had travelled with him in 1977 would be a waste of time. (By the way, people were killed in massive numbers because of that yatra and politics.)

But notice here the insinuation of political legitimacy and competency of the BJP leaders by banking on the public memory of the long-serving former Prime ministers of India. It is a hollow assurance these columnists tender to the people of India based on completely hypothetical correlation. The nature of political expediency is such that a party that opposed political dynasty in democracy needs to prove its royal blood. 

However absolute Narendra Modi’s accomplishments in Gujrat’s economy be, it is a wonder how people who claim to be liberal and apololitical otherwise, notwithstanding the contradiction in terms, completely ignore Gujrat riot. With interactions of various actors in this extended Hindu Nationalist family, over past 10 years suggest me four ways they could rationalize Gujarat riot of 2002.

  1. Not True: They simply refuse to accept that Gujarat riot happened. In the next few years after the riot, this was a major stand of the expatiate Gujaratis, and a lot of them continue to hold major English dailies responsible for spreading the “misinformation” about Gujarat 2002. They position themselves as alternative news-source, claiming themselves more authentic than the rest since they hail from Gujarat, and eloquently brand every other voice “pseudo-secularists”, communists or congress conspirators. It is important to remember that, much of the vernacular media during the period did not report the large-scale loss of lives and properties of the muslims nor it did report the of the magnitude of the carnage. This probably had created a cognitive dissonance in the mind of this group of people, for which they could be initially forgiven. But after 13 years of the pogrom, it is simple blind faith, ignorance and prejudice.
  2. True, but not Modi: Some acknowledge the Gujarat riot, even the disproportionate loss to the Muslims. These people however squarely exonerate Modi of being responsible for it.  If Modi was the Chief Minister during the riot of 2002, he is also the Chief Minister during the next 10 years of peaceful growth, they argue. L.K.Advani is among the leading voices in this argument. However, this argument is very informative in itself because what it proves is that if a govt. is interested it could administer relative peace for as along as it wants. If CM Modi did it for 10 years in Gujarat now, CM Mayawati could do it in one of the most volatile states regarding communal riots. And if govt. does want not peace, Gujrat 2002 results. Fractions of this group of people like to see the riot as a consequence of Godhra train burning. Lets put the facts aside, and ask if the disproportionate loss of lives, properties, honor and home of only a particular community far from the site of burning can happen spontaneously?
  3. Can we move on?: Gujarat riot-2002 is not fiction; Narendra Modi is in the center of it. As facts emerged, documentaries, sting operations, court, CBI investigations vacillate between almost trying Modi and his ministers/officers and giving clean chits, it is increasingly difficult for some people deny all of it. Instead they ask can we move on now, focus instead on growth and development, clean governance for a change? Yes, we should, but there is a probable killer among us, in fact not among but above us, hoping to rule us tomorrow. How comfortable you would be to know that your boss had got few people killed for whatever reason? Or that, your spouse is a killer? How much of a development-freak you would be to move on, if your neighbours, members of your community, yourself were victims?
  4. We did it!!: There is a fourth category of Modi supporters. They acknowledge the massacre, the rapes, the loots with all its enormity, celebrate it and are grateful to Modi for it.

Most of us are not blind to deny any violence did occur, nor bigoted enough to celebrate such things. Even if we were, we cannot be publicly so. But it is the idea that we should move on, whoever be responsible, so empathetically argued by the extended family, does not, result in a new socio-economic reality. The fact about development is almost like the cliché, “all that glitters are not gold”. Multilane roads, flyovers, sky-scrappers and Memorials (lets keep Maya in loop too) are easier to build than a more equitable, pluralistic society. Infrastructural investment in a short time can give you a “vikash purush” (development man) but it takes years of societal investment to have vikashita janata (developed citizenry). Modi had 20 years to do that, still Gujrat carries some worst human development indices. But again, Jyoti Basu also had 27 years.

In a zerosum game of electoral politics, a thousand different reasons to support Modi do lead to coronation of an alleged mass murderer as Prime ministerial candidate of a major national party. The effect of which would be far-reaching.

Enforcing Impunity

The recent judgement of Laxmanpur Bathe Massacre, where the High court bench chaired by Sinha and Lal acquitted all the 26 accused, 16 of who were previously given death sentence, casts serious doubts on the role of judiciary (along with the involved investigating agencies) in delivering justice when it comes to Dalit atrocity. A massacre of 58 Dalits by a gang of men (Ranvir Sena) going unpunished after 16 long years is a travesty of justice which a democratic country should be ASHAMED of.

There is an important dimension to Dalit-atrocities that often a deeper involvement into the issue brings forth. The impunity an ordinary caste-hindu enjoys in doing anything illegal, uncivil against a Dalit. The same caste-hindu might never pick a quarrel with another caste-hindu but feels free to transgress a Dalit’s right whenever she feels uncomfortable. In small societies, such as villages there are social stigma (negative reinforcement) against bad behavior/criminality, but only if it is against the caste-hindus. Bad behavior/criminality against the Dalits are justified by tradition and religion. This “perceived impunity” that even a pre-teen caste-hindu is so conceived is not biological, THERE IS NO INNATE CASTEIST FACULTY, but inherited prejudice duly enriched myths, mythologies and religious scriptures and emboldened by the deeds of her fellow caste-hindus.

In the villages, where most of these Dalit-atrocities occur, there is NOTHING which breaks the “perceived impunity”.There are three important agencies which break the news to the stone-age caste-hindu villagers that, that is in fact no impunity.

First, is the school where probably the next best thing children can learn after alphabets and arithmetics is the principles of mutual-respect and co-existence.  In fact, these things children should learn along with or even before they learns the prescribed school education. The school years should enhance the rationale of these principles, which will let the pupils question their ‘inherited prejudice’ at least.

Second are the law-enforcement agencies, the police, the court, and many other govt. agencies. Ideally the guidebook for them is the constitution and the penal codes, which grant none of the ‘perceived impunity’. Any case of establishing and protecting the rights of a marginalized group would serve as an example for the hapless caste-hindu pree-teen who was otherwise going to turn out to be carrier of the disease- casteism.  A collusion of caste-hindu brotherhood and irrational religiosity help enforce the “perceived impunity”.  The court verdict like the Patna HC on Laxmanpur bathe, in the pretext of ‘lack of reliable evidence’ makes the perceived impunity real. It is not the final verdict yet, there is a Supreme Court, of course, but it does tell a crucial fact. The apex court thinks, the killers can not be punished.

With a Casteist Judiciary like that, the third, and probably the last way out of this abyss of ignorance (as you might have guessed the “percieved impunity is just plain ignorance or inability to accept the truth), for the poor caste-hindu is Newspapers.  Remember, how Indian express took up the cause of the two slain IAS officers, by covering the issue in front page, day after day? How The Hindu serialized publication of wiki-leaks? These newspapers very well consider themselves opinion makers, and they are to certain extent, in addition to their role as reporter of facts. None of these papers wrote up an editorial condemning the derelict judiciary or criticizing the court verdict. These National Toilet Papers (again to use VTR’s word) have criticized court rulings before, in all too subtle ways to extricate themselves from the law’s tentacles. More importantly, when Dalit parliamentarians forced the MHRD to admit changes in school textbook, because some cartoons were defamatory to Dr. Ambedkar, these were the paper who surfaced more than 89 editorials and open-editorials, a list of those are with me. None of them would say it, at least, it was wrong on the part of the court to justify Dalit killings, and letting the accused free, even when surviors are unequivocal on their identification and even without a directive to the police/CBI to bring the culprit to justice.

The impunity for caste based violence (forget discrimination!) is sanctified by Hindu religion, employed primarily to subjugate Dalits, to deny them them their dignity and individuality, is guranteed by the court and actively encouraged by education and media.

Update: “The Hindu”, our responsible newspaper deems it necessary to publish an editorial on “Persecution of Jwala”. Apparently, the female start badminton play not being allowed to play in Denmark by Badminton Association of India is quite more serious issue than massacres like Laxmanpur bathe.

Changing Tune of The Indian Express

Often politicians are equivocal. They change/reverse their statement as and when it suits them. And it is the media who tell us that. Here is how one of the national newspapers does the same.

March 12, 2007: Indian express editorial

Her Dalit-ness has given her politics much of its special grit and therefore it will be that much more difficult for her to transcend identity politics. At the same time, this large mandate would arguably never have come about if she had remained imprisoned in the Dalit corner in the first place. Mayawati’s social engineering was a much bolder experiment than anything that the pre-election Nitish Kumar tried out in Bihar. [link]

March 10, 2012: Indian Express Editorial

When Mayawati was voted to power in 2007, her mandate came riding not on the back of the innovative “social engineering” attributed to the BSP chief, but on the widely shared revulsion against a regime that had failed to honour that basic promise a government makes to the people — to ensure the safety and security of all. [link]

Indian Express could be forgiven for reviewing their analysis in five years. After all, the winning combination they dubbed social engineering was not winning anymore. But they are so predictably adamant about the timelessness of their views, that when Maywati was voted to power in 2007, Indian Express reproduced one of their editorials from 1997 and titled it “A moment in Maywati’s evolution” [link]. Mayawati had formed a coalition govt. with the BJP 1997 despite strong ideolgical differences and in 2007 she made a deeper coalition at the grassroot level among castes to get the mandate. I have no idea what kind of importance this piece of writing carried even for the day in 1997 or 2007 not to mention in the legendary political life of Mayawati.

Subhas Bose On Untouchability

After their discussion on the issue of Federation, Dr. Ambedkar asked Subhas Bose whether he would put up his candidates in the election against Congress (from which president-ship he was dethroned). He replied in negative. Dr. Ambedkar then asked Subhas Bose what the positive attitude of his party would be to the problem of Untouchables. Bose had no convincing reply and the interview ended.

Page 319, Vol. 17 Part-II Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writing and Speeches

The Crucible of Aarakshan

If the debates on “Aarakshan” could not be hosted staged without representation from Dalits, how could someone denigrate the very policy that ensures representation? If it is just and appropriate to have a Dalit opinion in the discussion of the film, how is it admissible to have the whole film without the involvement of Dalits/OBCs? Even in pre-release screening, even if the involvement is sought by the very constitutional body NCSC whose duty it is “to investigate and monitor all matters relating to the safeguards provided to the Scheduled Castes by the constitution.”

This film could have been made in the 70s, 80s or even in the height of anti-Mandal agitation of the 90s, there seems to be nothing outwardly 21st century, post-Avatar about this movie. The on screen-romance of a forty something actor and twenty something actress, of contrasting backgrounds, college-love story, songs and dance- all home-grown, time-tested, high-return plot-line. So is the upper-caste resentment for Reservation policy.

Before a film is made which outrightly berates the lower castes, they had to test the waters. The “benign, inadvertent usage” of casteist-slurs had to be incorporated and popularized. The song “ kahan raja bhoj, kahan gangu-teli” from film Dulhe Raja(1998) was not a subtle insinuation, but my friends with PhDs (some of who are from the Teli caste) didnt see it as a casteist epithet, but as an “expression” and “local diction”. It is necessary to watch the video alongside mein hoon hero (Ram Lakhan, 1989). Both are a form of poetry-jam where each player wants to prove himself superior. While in mein hoon hero, one man begins with a position of “zero”, in kahan raja bhoj, neither of the men want to be Gangu Teli even for a moment. Although decades apart, both videos display the differential attitude the caste-hindu, caste-muslim film industry have towards economic and caste inequality. In the film “Josh” (2000), it is interesting to note that in an adrenaline-charged exchange, the Hindu gang retort “ aukat kya, teri jat kya” to the Christian gang’s call for fight. Since Christian converts are presumed to be former lower-castes ( even if they were not) they must be reminded of the oh-so-powerful weapon of caste that this Hindu gang possessed. The song couldn’t be more maliciously “caste-appropriate”. Then comes, “Aaja Nachale”(2007) with the line “Mohele mien kaise mara mar hie, Bole mochi bhi khudko sonar he”, meaning “ there is riot in the street, [because] the shoe-maker[ apparently lower-caste] says he belongs to gold-smith caste [apparently more acceptable lower-caste].

These are some of the “tastefully” memorable ones, but there are certainly more of them, could be even more offensive/amusing depending on what your caste is, which I am sure will be neatly documented in near future (unlike this post). After watching, Bandit Queen, Bhawander etc. where the so-called sensitive and artistic filmmakers and actors failed miserably to portray Dalit and other castes genuinely, I stopped watching any movies which has an identified Dalit character. I gave a miss to “Laggan”, “Ganjajal”, “Lajja”, each of them. So I can’t comment on how stereotyping Dalits, other castes and castiest remark/abuse were developed to the acceptability level in the scripts, but I know no Dalit intellectual or any politically aware person of SC/ST/OBC would ever approve of any of these.

The casteist remarks in songs/music served many purposes. First, the lyricists and the film makers could claim “poetic license” to use these phrases of casteist-diction to avoid what in practice could have booked them with SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act.

Second, in absence of a burgeoning music industry independent of bollywood, filmy-songs are prime source of musical entertainment. Wide circulation of these remarks through music tested and found nil (and in rare cases diminished) sensitivity of the people to blatant casteist remarks.

Third, this degeneration of sensitivity of hindi film-industry was carefully crafted with the rise of usage of slags and slurs in lyrics as if a new era of music of the “common people” were being created.

Fourth, it provided the opportunity to incorporate minor modification in the films if demanded, but the music which were usually released much earlier could have passed on intact.

Each of these movies and music was cleared by the censor board without a hitch, none of them was confronted with negative review/criticism from the mainstream media, nor any progressive forum. Except “Aaja Nachelle”, that too ONLY  from dalit groups. For all their casteist-slangs and stereotyping, the movies appealed  to to the mainstream, urban viewers  as realistic, original and different.

So the film industry was ready to take up more challenging casteist projects.

During this process, caste had become the proverbial elephant in the indian democracy.  It was in the nineties, when the OBCs started asserting power as a separate electorate which not just could influence election manifesto, sway elections but could also win popular mandate and form governments. Having eroded the illogical caste-hindu majority in the legislative, they crafted new laws to democratize other branches of governance. The oracles in the big dome, untouched by the “silent revolution” that India was going through, were the only hope to subvert the mandate of the people who could only speak through vote. They failed miserably in spite of taking hostage all of the countries educational institutes (something they were in fact doing not-so-surreptitiously for decades anyway), and channelling all possibly resources, even with the blessings of the oracles. In the process, they demonstrated how much bigotry they can exhibit, and how much more could excite them.

To cash out these sentiments, Bollywood was ready. And Prakash Jha, the serious, political, action film maker could not waite more.Happy Independence Day